Every week for my cultural psychology course we are asked to submit a short (2 page) reaction to one or two of the readings. This week's class is titled 'Many forms of culture,' here is my response to a couple of the articles we read:
This week’s theme is less explicit than previous weeks. Although it evidently takes its name from Adam Cohen’s (2009) paper, it’s unclear what forms are being evoked here. Cohen writes that it is the purpose of his article to propose psychologists explore “more kinds of variation among more kinds of cultures” (p.194), a suggestion mirroring those Shweder (1995) made nearly two decades earlier. This plea for “more kinds” raises two concerns for me. The first is whether an increasingly broader understanding of ‘culture’ is the most effective way to address current limitations in the way psychology deals with social beings, and the second is about why these arguments (about the importance of nuance and difference) need to emerge repeatedly to remind mainstream psychologists of the social realities in which they conduct their work. Thinking about the first concern, I ask myself about the utility of expanding the scope of cultural consideration without first exploring more cultural theory (ex: do cultural effects associated with religion trump those of SES?). Do anthropologists really “despair” at the prospect of defining culture as Cohen suggests (p.195), and, must our thinking about culture be restricted by the number of subvariables we can invent to talk it? In terms of the second concern, I am surprised (in 2009) that Cohen is explaining, in a mainstream scholarly journal (American Psychologist), the merit of taking seriously differences among cultural dimensions such as religion, socioeconomic status and geographic regions. Should we also be preparing and outline explaining the role of collective history and its importance for making claims about the complex social and mental lives of individuals? Although I definitely agree with his overall recommendation for greater specificity (ex: when selecting group membership), I am also somewhat disappointed with the typical detached and apolitical stance towards examining SES and class based issues. Part of my feelings about this comes from my understanding that although matters of religion and region are often beyond our choosing or influence, the actions of others (ex: welfare policies) have a direct bearing on the experience of SES as a specific social outcome. I believe there is real lost opportunity when psychologists choose not to acknowledge this difference by relegating it to solely descriptive terms.
Another article that highlighted the importance of examining socioeconomic class was Stephens et al. (2007). Their studies on the meaning ascribed to actions of choosing in different socioeconomic contexts was fascinating. I especially liked the authors’ engagement with the topic of the relation between social class and (access to) education through the investigation of differing models of agency. Indeed, this article got me thinking a lot about how psychologist employ the concept of ‘agency.’ For example, Stephens et al. ask in their closing discussion: “If choice and control afford agency, and working class contexts provide fewer opportunities to experience choice and control, then should we conclude that people in working class contexts have relatively less agency?” To which they respond, “… choice is likely to be less central to agency… we do not conclude that working class contexts promote relatively less agency…” (p.827). What then is agency? Is it something that can describe someone (i.e., something one possesses), or is it a state of mind (i.e., a belief one holds)? Could ignoring this distinction and emphasizing the cultural relativity of choice justify the practices of cultures that engage in practices of oppression? Do working class people have less control over their surroundings, and if this results in attitudes and behaviors that psychologists are able to identify as the typical adaptive responses to (unjust) hardship, should we not use this knowledge to speak out against what we understand as the proximal causes of these conditions (e.g., poverty, education, health)?
This week’s theme is less explicit than previous weeks. Although it evidently takes its name from Adam Cohen’s (2009) paper, it’s unclear what forms are being evoked here. Cohen writes that it is the purpose of his article to propose psychologists explore “more kinds of variation among more kinds of cultures” (p.194), a suggestion mirroring those Shweder (1995) made nearly two decades earlier. This plea for “more kinds” raises two concerns for me. The first is whether an increasingly broader understanding of ‘culture’ is the most effective way to address current limitations in the way psychology deals with social beings, and the second is about why these arguments (about the importance of nuance and difference) need to emerge repeatedly to remind mainstream psychologists of the social realities in which they conduct their work. Thinking about the first concern, I ask myself about the utility of expanding the scope of cultural consideration without first exploring more cultural theory (ex: do cultural effects associated with religion trump those of SES?). Do anthropologists really “despair” at the prospect of defining culture as Cohen suggests (p.195), and, must our thinking about culture be restricted by the number of subvariables we can invent to talk it? In terms of the second concern, I am surprised (in 2009) that Cohen is explaining, in a mainstream scholarly journal (American Psychologist), the merit of taking seriously differences among cultural dimensions such as religion, socioeconomic status and geographic regions. Should we also be preparing and outline explaining the role of collective history and its importance for making claims about the complex social and mental lives of individuals? Although I definitely agree with his overall recommendation for greater specificity (ex: when selecting group membership), I am also somewhat disappointed with the typical detached and apolitical stance towards examining SES and class based issues. Part of my feelings about this comes from my understanding that although matters of religion and region are often beyond our choosing or influence, the actions of others (ex: welfare policies) have a direct bearing on the experience of SES as a specific social outcome. I believe there is real lost opportunity when psychologists choose not to acknowledge this difference by relegating it to solely descriptive terms.
Another article that highlighted the importance of examining socioeconomic class was Stephens et al. (2007). Their studies on the meaning ascribed to actions of choosing in different socioeconomic contexts was fascinating. I especially liked the authors’ engagement with the topic of the relation between social class and (access to) education through the investigation of differing models of agency. Indeed, this article got me thinking a lot about how psychologist employ the concept of ‘agency.’ For example, Stephens et al. ask in their closing discussion: “If choice and control afford agency, and working class contexts provide fewer opportunities to experience choice and control, then should we conclude that people in working class contexts have relatively less agency?” To which they respond, “… choice is likely to be less central to agency… we do not conclude that working class contexts promote relatively less agency…” (p.827). What then is agency? Is it something that can describe someone (i.e., something one possesses), or is it a state of mind (i.e., a belief one holds)? Could ignoring this distinction and emphasizing the cultural relativity of choice justify the practices of cultures that engage in practices of oppression? Do working class people have less control over their surroundings, and if this results in attitudes and behaviors that psychologists are able to identify as the typical adaptive responses to (unjust) hardship, should we not use this knowledge to speak out against what we understand as the proximal causes of these conditions (e.g., poverty, education, health)?
Cohen, A. B. (2009). Many forms of culture. American Psychologist, 64, 194-204.
Stephens, N. M., Markus, H. R., & Townsend, S. S. M. (2007). Choice as an act of meaning: THe case of social class. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 93, 814-830.